Over the past decade, what Hong Kong people have learned the most is conspiracy theories, while what they have lost the most is trust. This line from the movie “Ten Years” is a true reflection of the current situation in Hong Kong. The film, released in 2015, has been praised by netizens as a “prophecy book” as the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law happened in less than 10 years. The speedy legislation of Article 23 of the Basic Law that has entangled Hong Kong people for years became a reality earlier this year. The anti-extradition law movement accelerated Hong Kong’s path towards authoritarianism, and within the past 5 years, various events that touched people’s hearts have become part of history, resembling a fleeting dream. This report leads readers to revisit the political trends in Hong Kong since the outbreak of the movement, shedding light on the struggles faced by Hong Kong people in safeguarding their rights, and the causes and consequences of the tumultuous journey.
The fear of mainland China eroding the rights and freedoms of Hong Kong people had already taken root in the hearts of the people before the handover of power. In the 2010s, Hong Kong people experienced two social movements—the Umbrella Movement in 2014 laid the groundwork for the anti-extradition law movement five years later. This was one of the most severe social crises Hong Kong had faced since its establishment under the principle of “one country, two systems.” The murder case of Poon Hiu-wing in February 2018 triggered the Security Bureau to propose amending the extradition law in the following year, allowing for the transfer of suspects in Hong Kong to mainland China for trials. This raised concerns among Hong Kong people and foreigners who had long been distrustful of the mainland’s judicial system, fearing unfair trials that could undermine the independent judiciary established in the Basic Law.
In March 2019, the disbanded political party “Hong Kong-Zhongzhi” initiated a sit-in at the government headquarters demanding the withdrawal of the extradition bill. Various civil groups joined in the following two months, and the Civil Human Rights Front organized two marches. The massive march on June 9th claimed to have up to a million participants, while the police estimated around 240,000 people. Despite government’s firm stance to proceed with the bill on June 12th, the bill sparked the outbreak of the movement. Approximately 40,000 people protested outside the Legislative Council building on June 12th, with protesters attempting to break through police lines to stop the bill’s passage. During clashes, both sides engaged in fierce confrontations, resulting in 103 injuries.
On that day, a protester was hit in the right eye by a beanbag round, and a driver from Radio Television Hong Kong was hit in the head by a tear gas canister, causing him to undergo heart-stopping moments. The police later labeled the incident as a “riot”; protesters accused the police of abuse of power and excessive force, leading to the “Citizen Siege” incident, which almost caused a stampede. Subsequently, protesters put forward five major demands, including the complete withdrawal of the extradition bill, the retraction of the “riot” label, and the resignation of then Chief Executive Carrie Lam, influencing the future development of the movement. Although Lam announced a “suspension” of the bill four days later on June 15th, 35-year-old protester Leung Ling-kit chose to sit on the edge of the Pacific Place platform demanding a full withdrawal of the bill and tragically fell to his death that night, becoming the first casualty in the movement.
The tragedy added to the sorrow of Hong Kong people, leading to a record-breaking march of two million people on June 16th. The queue of people offering flowers to Leung was endless, extending to the Central Garden Road Cable Car Station at one point, while simultaneous support rallies for Hong Kong people were held around the world. On the same evening, Lam issued a statement apologizing to the citizens. However, when she met with reporters two days later, she did not respond to whether the bill would be completely withdrawn, and the government’s stance failed to extinguish the anger of Hong Kong people, indirectly prolonging the movement.
After more than a week of stalemate, protesters stormed the Legislative Council building on July 1st. Influenced by the absence of major stages and advanced communication platforms, protest activities were normalized thereafter, with almost weekly demonstrations held in various areas. The emergence of “Lennon Walls” in multiple districts sparked a surge of artistic expression among Hong Kong people, becoming focal points for rallying support for the movement but also witnessing disputes and violent incidents. The July 21 Yuen Long attacks shocked both domestic and international audiences, marking a turning point in the escalation of the movement. The police were accused of colluding with triads, allowing white-clad individuals to attack protesters and civilians, and later, suspicious individuals driving vehicles to fire fireworks at residents surrounding the Tin Shui Wai police station.
Multiple clashes occurred in August, with the police criticized for excessive use of force and even caught on camera framing protesters. The August 31st Prince Edward station conflict saw officers indiscriminately beating passengers in the subway, prompting strong condemnations and calls for an investigation into police brutality. Despite Lam’s announcement on September 4th to withdraw the bill, the authorities were unable to control the escalating protests and police misconduct. The Junior Police Officers’ Association even “condemned at a higher level” the then Secretary for Security, John Lee, for failing to address the issue. The government reinforced security at police stations and public facilities, setting up multiple layers of barricades with water-filled barriers; pedestrian footbridges and traffic lights were fitted with wire fences to prevent protesters from blocking roads.
The government refused to establish an independent inquiry commission, and the enactment of the Anti-Mask Law on October 5th added fuel to the fire. Conflict erupted across all 18 districts, with water cannon vehicles and armored trucks patrolling the busy streets. Protesters became more determined in their actions, and clashes turned increasingly bloody. Within just a month and a half, three young protesters were injured by live ammunition. The clashes at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology saw police forcefully entering campuses to arrest protesters, leading to confrontations that turned academic institutions into battlefields, with an armored vehicle near HKUST catching fire after being hit by a petrol bomb from protesters, making headlines globally.
In the six months following June 16th, at least 9 Hong Kong people expressed their determination through death, seeking the full withdrawal of the extradition bill. Among them, a couple mentioned feeling “unhappy” due to the social events in their suicide notes. Additionally, two individuals died during conflicts, with a 22-year-old university student, Chow Tsz-lok, falling off a car park building at the Tseung Kwan O’s Sheung Tak Estate on November 4th. The cause of his death was ruled inconclusive by the coroner in 2021, unable to determine whether Chow fell accidentally. As of March this year, police data showed that a total of 10,279 people were arrested during the entire movement, with 2,961 individuals having completed or currently undergoing legal procedures, and 2,328 individuals facing legal consequences.
The movement led to the highest-ever turnout of 71.23% in the district council elections in November of that year, with the democratic camp claiming 86% of the seats, dealing a blow to pro-establishment forces. Hong Kong’s situation continued to attract international attention, with the United States passing the long-pending Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, aimed at periodic review of the implementation of the Hong Kong Policy Act and empowering US authorities to sanction Chinese and Hong Kong officials who violate human rights, triggering a strong backlash from the Chinese Communist Party. After half a year of bloodshed and tears, the people of Hong Kong, in the midst of a bittersweet victory, were facing uncertainties ahead without realizing that the CCP was clandestinely planning to enact the National Security Law to quell the protest waves.
Legislator and Hong Kong delegate to the mainland National People’s Congress, Tian Beichen revealed that the clashes across various districts in November were critical events leading to the enactment of the National Security Law. In December 2019, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress included the legislation in its work agenda, passing it amidst controversy on June 30th of the following year, as Hong Kong remained shrouded in the shadow of the COVID-19 pandemic that had engulfed the city for six months. Since then, Hong Kong entered an era of “second return to the motherland,” with a continuing exodus of emigrants. The National Security Law crushed the already waning protest activities, resulting in authorities arresting democratic figures who had participated in the legislative council primaries, in what later became known as the “47-person case” where 45 individuals were convicted or pleaded guilty, with only Lau Wai-ung and Lee Yu-sin being acquitted, although the Department of Justice appealed Lau’s acquittal.
The Lam administration spent half of its term during the pandemic, witnessing more than 13,000 deaths from five waves of outbreaks and the medical system on the verge of collapse. Lam’s initial refusal to implement a lockdown at the start of the outbreak led to strikes by healthcare workers in public hospitals, further undermining public trust. The government’s stringent social distancing measures in response to each wave of outbreaks drew public criticisms; scandals of officials hosting gatherings in violation of regulations emerged, with a high-ranking official from the Security Bureau attending a dinner in March 2021 where a sexual assault incident occurred. Lam’s handling of the cases was accused of showing biased leniency towards the officials involved while evading accountability, sparking public outrage and criticism, especially in the wake of the “Hung Banquet” incident in early 2022 where up to 225 individuals attended a birthday party of Hong Kong delegate Hung Waiman, plunging the government into a serious credibility crisis.
Despite a significant blow to its governance credibility, the government intensified efforts to purge CCP’s “thorns in the eyes,” with the media sector being particularly ravaged. From the appointment of parachuted civil servants to the arrest of senior staff at Apple Daily and Stand News accused of “singing out of tune” for years, a chilling effect forced several minor media outlets to cease operations, with foreign media outlets gradually withdrawing from Hong Kong. The arts and cultural sector also fell under the shadow of white terror, with public libraries repeatedly removing “sensitive” books; the head of a music theater group was reported for online comments in 2019, leading to the termination of cooperation with an intended performance venue.
Numerous secondary schools and universities staged class strikes during the movement, triggering accusations from the pro-establishment camp that the education sector tolerated or even encouraged students to take to the streets. They directed blame squarely at the Liberal Studies subject as the root cause of Hong Kong’s woes, an assertion that later led to a crackdown on the education sector by the authorities. Many educators lost their teaching credentials due to personal remarks and teaching content being reported as “subversive.” The authorities took the opportunity to reform the Liberal Studies subject into “Citizen and Society Development Studies” (CSD), emphasizing national education and introducing “national security education” in primary and secondary schools as required by the National Security Law. The Professional Teachers’ Union, a member of the democratic camp who had organized rallies during the movement, announced its dissolution in August 2021 for reasons linked to the National Security Law and the government’s suspension of working relationships.
Political purges achieved the government’s goal of transitioning from chaos to order, with the current Chief Executive Li Jiachao claiming that the transition from order to prosperity had begun. However, the government’s governance continued to face controversies and challenges on multiple fronts. The financial industry, a pillar of the economy, rapidly shrank under the erosion of freedom and rule of law in Hong Kong. The exodus of talents and foreign businesses, the declining international standing, and the shrinking government coffers all contributed to a bleak economic outlook. Economic recovery in Hong Kong lagged behind other global regions early last year, with continued economic downturn in the latter half of the year. The Hang Seng Index lingered below the 20,000 point mark for an extended period, earning the moniker of the “former international financial center.” Former officials and major companies described the economic situation as the worst in nearly 30 years.
International rating agency Moody’s downgraded Hong Kong’s credit rating last year, providing a negative outlook, citing the regression of Hong Kong’s political and legal autonomy. Hong Kong officials rebuffed the ratings as “biased” and “unfair,” highlighting the success of talent attraction schemes with over 180,000 applications and the relocation of 30 multinational enterprises as evidence of continued attractiveness.
The government promoted events under the banners of “night market culture” and “major event economy” to revive the tourism industry and stimulate the local economy. However, the results fell short of expectations, with the number of inbound visitors dropping to 34 million last year, just over half of the total in 2018. Many Hong Kong residents found the stimulation from the night market lacking, and incidents during major events attracted international ridicule, leading to Hong Kong being described as in the throes of “event chaos.”
As the economy showed little improvement, Hong Kong residents faced a surge in crime rates, further exacerbating anxieties. Some analysts attributed this to the police expending resources entirely on national security duties. Several high-profile murders, assaults, triad activities, and scams in the last two years, coupled with declining crime solution rates, further fueled public discontent. The overall crime solution rate dropped from 38.5% in 2021 to 31.1% last year, with many mocking Hong Kong, once touted as a city shifting from chaos to order, for becoming an “international crime hub.” Authorities claimed that the return to normalcy in society had restored traditional crime levels seen before the pandemic.
As of June 7th this year, police figures showed that 299 individuals had been arrested for violating the Hong Kong National Security Law and the Law on Safeguarding National Security, with 154 convicted and sentenced or awaiting sentencing, and excluding the case of 47 individuals awaiting the prosecutor’s appeal against Lam Wai-ung’s bail, the conviction rate under the National Security Law reached 100%. Some scholars argue that the National Security Law has eroded numerous civic organizations, resulting in the loss of crucial oversight, intelligence, and educational avenues for the public, leading to a sharp rise in criminal activities. Others point out that despite increased annual budget allocations to the police force, the distribution of manpower and resources proved inadequate in deterring crimes.
The introduction of the National Security Law, which operates distinctly from Hong Kong’s common law system, has brought unprecedented challenges to the city’s legal system. Recently, three overseas non-permanent judges resigned or declined to renew their contracts with the Court of Final Appeal. Among them, Judge Kem Yew-sin stated that under the increasingly gloomy political climate, Hong Kong judges had forgotten their traditional role as defenders of people’s freedoms. He considered the ruling on the primary election case as the “last straw” that led to his resignation, believing that the judgment reflected the willingness of certain judges to assist the CCP in targeting pro-democracy individuals, with the CCP able to use its interpretations to overturn rulings, making him feel his presence in Hong Kong courts would no longer be effective.
In an era where every event, big or small, is linked to national security, the people of Hong Kong find it challenging to express their opinions freely. Self-censorship has led society towards a uni-dimensional narrative, where people are more inclined to conform than criticize. Hong Kong residents choose to entertain themselves with dark humor or simply observe when the authorities falter, allowing them to express their frustrations without fear of being charged with crimes stemming from their speech. Whether the startling events from other segments in “Ten Years” will come true in the future remains a mystery to each Hong Konger today, who is still incapable of knowing what lies ahead.
Familiar days blur into memories, unhealed wounds throb in the sensitively charged days of June, evoking lingering pain unwilling to be relieved. Although the number of people commemorating by taking to the streets dwindles by the year, the Hong Kong individuals who hold onto their conscience continue to resist silently in the face of pressures and falsehoods, standing resolute.
**Notes:**
– The rewritten article is significantly longer with added details and separated into paragraphs for better readability.
– Translator’s note: Some terms and names have been transliterated directly from Chinese to English to maintain accuracy and coherence, such as “Lennon Walls” and “Hong Banquet.”